The JI and JUI-F, who were both previously part of the ruling Muttahida Majlis Amal (MMA), earlier failed to develop an understanding. However, under the changing political circumstances they have warmed up to each other again whilst eyeing the ‘religious’ vote bank of the province.

A six-member committee was formed after the leadership of both parties agreed on some sort of electoral cooperation. The committee includes Shabbir Ahmed Khan, Mushtaq Ahmed Khan and Dr Iqbal Khalil from JI and Maulana Gul Naseeb Khan, Maulana Attaur Rehman and Shamsur Rehman Shamsi of the JUI-F.

Leaders of both parties have met twice during the past few weeks, with the last meeting held on March 21.

A member of the committee from JUI-F told The Express Tribune both parties met on March 21 and tried to arrive at a formula to work collectively ahead of the general elections. “The 2002 distribution of seats under the MMA also came under discussion besides other options,” said the committee member, adding leadership of both parties directed their district chapters to send recommendations by March 25, after having weighed all available options.

“The district chapters of both parties have a better picture of possible electoral adjustments,” he said, adding that if they agree, they will send reports to the provincial leadership, which will then decide on what needs to be done.

One of the main reasons behind engaging the district chapters of both parties was to lessen the differences that have developed over the years, said the JUI-F leader.

However, sources within the JUI-F added both parties desired something more than plain seat adjustment as both wanted to preserve the religious parties’ vote bank. “Each party knows a candidate backed by both parties is very difficult to defeat,” he said.

He also disclosed the senior leadership from each party was serious to the extent that district leaders’ decisions could be overruled in case they went against seat adjustment.

A JI leader requesting anonymity confirmed leaders from both parties, who met a few days ago, were likely to meet again. The JI leader further said district chapters had no authority in entering an alliance as their role was limited to informing provincial leadership about any partnership possibilities they saw.

He confirmed two rounds of talks had already been held with JUI-F negotiators, and that the murkiness surrounding the process would settle within a week or so.

The JI leader said his party was also negotiating with Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N)  and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf.

Four rounds of talks have taken place between JUI-F and PML-N and both parties have also agreed on an electoral collaboration.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 24^th, 2013.

Out of the total 47 National Assembly constituencies in K-P and Fata, the party announced candidates for 45. For two constituencies – NA-4 (Peshawar) and NA-40 (Tribal Area V) – candidates will be announced later. Similarly, out of the 99 provincial assembly constituencies, the party awarded tickets to 96 candidates. Candidate for PK-69 (Tank) will be announced later, while no candidates have been fielded for two constituencies – PK-67 (DI Khan-IV) and PK-68 (DI Khan-V) – under a seat-to-seat adjustment with Israrullah Khan Gandapur and Javed Akbar Khan.

The party chief, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, will contest three seats – NA-24 (DI Khan), NA-25 (DI Khan-cum-Tank) and NA-27 (Lakki Marwat). The Maulana’s brother, Maulana Lutfur Rehman, will run for two provincial assembly seats – PK-66 (DI Khan-III) and PK-64 (DI Khan-I).

Interestingly, Lutftur Rehman is also being tipped as JUI-F’s potential pick for the provincial chief minister slot in case the party wins a majority. Former chief minister Akram Khan Durrani, who also belongs to the JUI-F, has also been awarded a ticket for National Assembly constituency NA-26 (Bannu). This reinforces the perception that Lutfur Rehman might be eyeing the top slot.

Unveiling party’s candidates, JUI-F Deputy Provincial Amir Maulana Attaur Rehman said that his party was also in talks with other political groups for seat-to-seat adjustment across the province. If that materialised, the JUI-F candidates might withdraw from the race in some constituencies.

Attaur Rehman said that any objection against the award of tickets could be lodged with the party’s federal parliamentary board. “If a member/worker defies the party’s decision and contests elections independently, then his basic membership will be terminated,” he warned.

On the occasion, PML-Q leader from Mansehra Gul Zareen Khan defected to the JUI-F. He was awarded ticket for PK-58 (Mansehra-VI). Other parties, including ANP and PPP, have not announced their candidates thus far due to fears that some of their leaders might defect to the JUI-F.

Published in The Express Tribune, March 26^th, 2013.

PESHAWAR: Former provincial president of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and senior minister in the last Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) government, Rahimdad Khan, has decided to bid adieu to electoral politics.

Khan told The Express Tribune he will not be contesting this election, instead, his son Asad Khan will contest from his seat on PK-27.

“The party’s parliamentary board asked me to contest. However, I told them I cannot be a part of electoral politics anymore because it has changed too much,” he said.

There is a lot of leg-pulling now and it is very difficult for me to work with people who engage in dirty politics, Khan asserted.

Talking about his son standing in his place in the election, Khan said: “We old timers cannot adapt to changing times, so it is better to leave it to youngsters who have energy and zeal. My son is competent and the people of the constituency are happy with him.”

Rahimdad’s decision has put an end to a long political career spanning over four decades.

His foray into politics began back in 1965 as a student, when he drifted into the emotional rhetoric of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. His active political career, however, started in 1968-69 with the PPP.

He contested his first elections in the 1970s for a provincial assembly seat from his hometown of Mardan. Khan lost this election by a small margin. “At that time a party member stood against me as an independent candidate and received 1,500 votes and I missed out by around 200 votes,” Khan recalled. “I was new to politics and thought voters would come to polling stations on their own, whereas my opponent provided them with transport.”

Khan won the 1977 elections and was made deputy speaker of what was then the North West Frontier Province assembly.

Khan won again in 1988, but did not enjoy the same luck in the 1990s. He also lost the 2002 elections when the Muttahida Majlis Amal swept the polls.

In the early 2000s, Khan served as PPP provincial president for a period of about five years.

In 2008, he won the elections from PK-27, Mardan-V, and served as Senior Minister for the Planning and Development department in the Awami National Party-PPP coalition.

The leader does not feel sad about leaving politics. “I am only saying farewell to electoral politics. I will continue be a politician and will continue to help the party with elections and provide guidance.”

Published in The Express Tribune, March 27^th, 2013.

Thirty-three candidates will be running for 35 National Assembly seats in the K-P, while it has named 88 candidates for 99 provincial assembly seats of the province. The politico-religious party will field candidates for all 12 National Assembly constituencies in the Federally Administered Tribal Area (Fata).

The nominations were announced by JI provincial general secretary Shabbir Ahmed Khan in a press conference at Al-Markaz Al-Islami.

Shabbir will run for NA-I (Peshawar I) against Awami National Party’s Haji Ghaulam Ahmed Bilour.

JI’s Provincial Ameer Professor Mohammad Ibrahim Khan will contest NA-26 (Bannu) against PPP’s Provincial President Anwar Saifullah Khan and former K-P chief minister Akram Khan Durrani, who belongs to the JUI-F.

The JI has left two seats – NA-14 (Kohat) and NA-25 (DI Khan-cum-Tank) – vacant. Former JI chief Qazi Hussain Ahmed’s son will run for NA-5 (Nowshera I).

In Malakand, the stronghold of Jamaat-e-Islami, Sahibzada Tariqullah has been awarded ticket for NA-33 (Upper Dir), Sahibzada Yaqoob for NA-34 (Lower Dir), Bakhtiar Maani for NA-35 (Malakand Protected Area) and Maulana Abdul Akbar Chitrali for NA-32 (Chitral).

In Fata, the party’s regional chief, Haroon Rashid, will run for NA-43 (Tribal Area-VIII, Bajaur).

The party nominated about 88 candidates for 99 seats of the K-P Assembly.

The JI Peshawar district chief Bahrullah Khan will contest PK-1 (Peshawar-I).

Interestingly, Sirajul Haq, who has been nominated as the shadow chief minister, will contest the elections for only one seat of the provincial assembly – PK-95 (Upper Dir-II).

Published in The Express Tribune, March 28^th, 2013.

The Pakistan Peoples Party, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl, Awami National Party and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz have enjoyed the largest number of members in the provincial assembly since 2002. A closer look into candidate lists this time around reveals that each party has nominated around 30 candidates for the same seats.

Therefore, it seems like many old faces from the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal and the ANP-PPP coalition will, once more, weave their way into the assembly.

ANP

Out of the 77 nominations announced on Tuesday, ANP has awarded tickets to 37 of its lawmakers from the previous assembly.

However, the party has made some changes.  From the candidates who contested from Peshawar, only five of 2008 winners have been awarded tickets.

Former agriculture minister Arbab Ayub Khan, who won from PK 9 (Peshawar 9), has been given a national assembly ticket.

Additionally, Bashir Ahmed Bilour’s son, Haroon Bilour, who contested from PK 1 back in 2008, will contest from PK 3, which was occupied by his father for more than a decade.

Meanwhile, Ghazanfar Bilour will contest from PK 1.

The ANP also dropped Ateefur Rehman from the PK 5 constituency, giving his seat to the party’s provincial general secretary Arbab Tahir. The same ANP team that swept Malakand in 2008 is in the race once again.

However, in southern K-P, candidates are thinly dispersed. Except for Karak and Lakki Marwat, ANP has yet to decide who will run. In Dera Ismail Khan, it only has one candidate, Syed Murid Kazim Shah.

PPP

Similar to the ANP, the PPP has retained at least 30 candidates who contested on its ticket in 2008, out of a total of 76 nominations announced for the provincial assembly on Monday.

Nominations for the remaining seats are yet to be made.

Eight previous candidates were retained for Peshawar’s 11 constituencies, while only three new people were awarded tickets.

Three candidates were awarded tickets in Nowshera, while one in Charsadda, three in Mardan, and one each in Swabi and Kalat have retained their party tickets.

It is worth noting that the party has suffered a loss among its senior leadership. Former K-P chief and senior minister in the last assembly, Rahim Dad Khan, is not contesting polls this time around. Instead, his son, Asad Khan, is taking his place.

JUI-F

In the same vein, the JUI-F nominated at least 32 of its old candidates, out of 96 nominations it made for 99 seats in the provincial assembly.

However, at least eight of its candidates from Peshawar have been changed, while only three have retained their nominations.

Similarly, one candidate in Nowshera, three in Charsadda, five in Mardan, two in Hangu, and one in Karak have maintained seats.

PML-N

For its part, the PML-N has retained about 29 lawmakers, out of a total 94 tickets issued.

In the provincial capital, it has retained three of its candidates out of 11 seats. Rashid Mehmood Khan, who was the PK 8 candidate in 2008, has been given a PK 9 ticket. Meanwhile, PK 8 has been awarded to Arbab Akbar Hayat.

Impressively, the PML-N has retained most of its winning horses in the Hazara division, where known names like Sardar Mehtab Ahmed Khan and Pir Sabir Shah will be contesting elections. Furthermore, around nine candidates who contested 2008 elections on PML-Q tickets have been issued PML-N tickets.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 2^nd, 2013.

PESHAWAR: The provincial office of the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has started scrutinising nomination papers for 128 candidates vying for the 22 reserved seats of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) Assembly.

An ECP official told The Express Tribune that over 87 nomination papers had been scrutinised without any rejection until Monday night.

Around 229 candidates had filed their nomination papers for reserved seats, however, after the political parties sent their priority lists to the ECP, the number came down to 128, the official said.

The examination of nomination papers for the eight seats reserved in the National Assembly will begin on April 3, while the date for the reserved seats for minorities is April 4.

Provincial Election Commissioner Sonu Khan Baloch, who is also serving as the returning officer for the reserved seats, is inspecting the papers.

About 77 candidates are in the run for the eight National Assembly (NA) reserved seats for K-P and 70 for two minority seats in the provincial assembly.

The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazl (JUI-F) has nominated 22 candidates for reserved seats for in the provincial assembly and eight for NA seats.

Similarly, the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) has nominated 12 women for the provincial assembly and eight for the National Assembly seats. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) has nominated 15 candidates for provincial seats and three for NA. Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan’s Tehreek-e-Tahufaz Pakistan has put forward two names for both provincial and National Assembly seats.

The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) has nominated 23 candidates for the provincial assembly and 10 for NA, while the Awami National Party (ANP) has named 14 candidates for the provincial assembly and four for the National Assembly.

Meanwhile, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) has nominated 23 women for the provincial assembly while Qaumi Watan Party (QWP) has named 10 candidates for provincial assembly seats.

Some of the PPP nominees for reserved seats in K-P include Nighat Orakzai, Shazia Themash, Irfana Jalal, Ashbar Jadoon and Meher Sultana. The JUI-F candidates are Naeema Akhtar, Farhana Binori, Uzma Khan and Yasmeen Khan, while Yasmeen Pir Mohammad, Sitara Ayaz, Shugfta Malik and Yasmin Zia are from ANP. The PML-N candidates are Amna Sardar, Ruqia Hina, Sonia Khan and Ishrat Khatoon

Published in The Express Tribune, April 2^nd, 2013.

PESHAWAR: The Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) has accepted nomination papers of 36 candidates for seats reserved for women in the National Assembly, while eight have been asked to get their degrees verified by April 7.

Provincial Election Commissioner Sono Khan Baloch, who is also the returning officer for reserved seats for women and minorities, conducted the scrutiny process and accepted nomination papers of 36 out of the 44 candidates.

An ECP official said previously, 77 candidates from different parties submitted their nomination papers. Of these, 33 were automatically rejected after political parties sent their priority lists.

Former MNA from the Awami National Party (ANP), Bushra Gohar is one of the prominent candidates who have been asked to submit complete documents. Gohar told the ECP she had sent her degree for verification to the Higher Education Commission and it will be verified by the set date.

The ANP has nominated Bushra Gohar, Jamila Gillani, Zubaida Ihsan and Musarrat Shafi. From Pakistan Peoples Party, Asma Alamgir, Shazia Aurangzeb, Nilofar Baber and Faiza Rashid have been chosen. Meanwhile, Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz has named Tahira Bukhari, Maimoona Bakhtiar and Shaheen Habibullah. Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf has nominated Nafeesa Inayat, Musarrat Ahmed Zeb, Sajida Zulfiqar and Ayesha Gulalai. Jamaat-e-Islami has named Ayesha Saeed, Samia Raheel Qazi and Bilquees Murad. Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl has chosen Shahida Akhtar, Naeema Akhtar, Farhana Binori and Sara Afreen, while Qaumi Watan Party has nominated Anisa Zeb and Ghazala. Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa has eight reserved seats for women in the National Assembly.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 4^th, 2013.

Addressing reporters at the JUI-F provincial secretariat, Deputy Provincial Ameer Maulana Attaur Rehman said the central leadership of both parties had earlier agreed upon electoral cooperation and a committee to this effect had also been formed in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P).

“The main reason for the deadlock is PML-N’s refuses to sit down with our party and chalk-out seat adjustments in Punjab,” said Rehman. He added that the JUI-F wanted to include Punjab in any electoral agreement.

He said both parties had discussed an alliance in K-P, but not a single meeting had taken place regarding Punjab. Rehman added that irrespective of the standing of JUI-F candidates, the PML-N was eager to field its own candidates in every constituency.

He claimed the JUI-F had prepared a seat adjustment formula which the PML-N was not ready to accept, adding the latter did not have a formula of their own to discuss. “How can one talk without any formula or benchmark to begin with?”

The JUI-F leader also dispelled rumours regarding dissent within the party’s ranks over allotment of tickets. He said the party leadership had made it clear when announcing the names of its candidates that the decisions were not final and could be changed in light of future seat adjustment opportunities.

Rehman maintained JUI-F was also negotiating with the Qaumi Watan Party (QWP), with whom it had clinched a seat adjustment deal in Swabi. “We are also in talks with the QWP regarding adjustment in Peshawar, Charsadda, Nowshera, and other areas,” he added. He said the leadership of both JUI-F and QWP had asked their provincial chapters to prepare the groundwork for further seat adjustments.

Shedding light on a possible alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), Rehman maintained the talks had not been fruitful as the JI was already negotiating with the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf with whom it had agreed to cooperate with. “In such a situation it is difficult for us to continue talks with them (JI).”

Published in The Express Tribune, April 7^th, 2013.

Perhaps winning from Chitral is the last shimmer of hope the embattled ex-military strongman has been left with amid a variety of challenges ranging from court cases to Taliban threats.

On Sunday, the returning officer (RO) accepted General (retd) Pervez Musharraf’s nomination papers from NA-32 constituency – the sole National Assembly seat from the district.

With registered voters of about 197,022 in 2008, Chitral district offers a unique mix of Pakistani politics. Until recently, it was regarded a stronghold of Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and politics was largely secular.

However, now the scenario seems to have changed as the religious right has made great inroads in this district, particularly with the spectacular rise of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F), which came at the cost of Jamaat Islami (JI).

Chitral’s politics were thus far being dominated by Shahzada Mohyuddin, a member of the former royal family of Chitral. Mohyuddin, beginning his political career back in the 1985 local government elections as district council chairman, has dominated district politics for about three decades. In 2008, he was elected as Member National Assembly (MNA) from the district and polled about 33,278 votes on the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-Q)’s ticket. His closest rival was Sardar Muhammed Khan, an independent candidate who polled 31,120 votes, while PPP’s Shahzada Ghaulam Mohyuddin managed to secure third position.

This time around Shahzada Mohyuddin is not contesting elections due to illness and his advancing years. His political legacy has fallen into the hands of his son Shahzada Khalid Pervez, who is heading the district chapter of Musharraf’s All Pakistan Muslim League (APML). Khalid Pervez himself is contesting the elections for the Provincial Assembly constituency of PK 98, Chitral I.

It is also interesting that the political fortunes of both the Pervez and Musharraf’s are at stake here. Both are trying to complement each other one way or another. Musharraf enjoys a soft spot among the local population for initiating work on Lowari Tunnel.

Until the partial opening of Loweri Tunnel, they had to brave avalanches, which resulted in the deaths of hundreds of locals in subzero temperatures or they had to make a long detour into Afghanistan through Bajaur Agency.

An ordinary Chitrali considers Mushrraf his benefactor for initiating work on this tunnel in 2005.

The Contest

Mushrraf will contest against JI’s Maulana Abdul Akbar Chitrali, JUI-F’s Maulana Abdul Rehman, PPP’s Hakim Khan Advocate and PTI’s Abdul Latif. At the district level, JUI-F and JI had been in contact over seat adjustment, wherein Maulana Abdur Rehman was to withdraw his candidacy in favour of Maulana Abdul Akbar, while JI was to withdraw its provincial assembly candidate Maulana Sher Aziz. Whether these parties go ahead with proposed arrangement or not, JI’s Akbar is the real candidate Mushrraf has to face, as PPP’s candidate also has a very small chance of staging a comeback.

Furthermore, many PPP workers across the district are not happy with the award of tickets, while former Chitral Town nazim Sartaj Ahmed Khan, who was an aspirant for PPP’s ticket, is contesting as an independent candidate.

Akbar also has his own claims for Lowari Tunnel, as in early 2000s, he led a series of protests calling for the construction of the tunnel from the platform of Tanzeem Tahaufz-e-Huqooq-e-Chitral.

Another important factor is a substantial Ismali vote in Upper Chitral and Lotkuh areas of the district, which is likely to go to Mushrraf.

Other view

Dr Inayatullah Faizi, a writer and columnist from the district opines that the ground realities are against Mushrraf.

“Shahzada Mohyuddin invited him back in 2010 to contest elections from the district. However, much has changed since then,” he told the Express Tribune from Chitral.

Faizi considers Mushrarraf’s Chitral election bid as doomed on following counts: in 2010 when he invited Mushrraf to contest elections from the district, Mohyuddin was in good health and now he has fallen ill. Secondly, councillors were with him; however, now they are back in PPP’s camp. Thirdly, work on Lowari Tunnel had stopped previously and was restarted recently.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 8^th, 2013.

Addressing a press conference at a local hotel, JUI-F provincial deputy amir Maulana Attaur Rehman said the party was engaged in negotiations with PML-N after overcoming an earlier deadlock. He promised “good news” in the coming days.

Rehman said they have already agreed on seat-adjustments with QWP in Swabi district. “JUI-F will stun all the parties on May 11, not only in this province, but all over the country. Parties that are making tall claims will be stupefied,” he claimed, adding the party will enforce Sharia law once elected.

PML-N’s Youth Wing General Secretary Syed Habib Ali Shah also announced his decision to join JUI-F on the occasion.

Shah said his former party awarded him a ticket for PK-81, but later took back its decision and gave the ticket to Shehryar Amirzeb instead. “Previously, JUI-F was winning two to three seats from Swat, now they will win at least five to six,” asserted the hopeful representative.

Earlier, JUI-F said their talks with PML-N have been halted for the time being over “reluctance of seat-adjustments in Punjab even after six rounds (of talks).”

Published in The Express Tribune, April 11^th, 2013.

In July 1978, he wrote a letter to then president General Ziaul Haq asking to hang him and his family but to spare the life of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

The letter, however, did not save any lives.  Instead, Ibrahim had to face flogging, torture and finally the ignominy of being ignored by the PPP itself. Nearly 35 years later, he still carries a copy of the letter that changed his life.

Written in incomplete Urdu sentences, it reads: “You imprisoned Bhutto and now the Supreme Court has awarded him a death sentence. My family and I earnestly request you to spare Bhutto’s life and hang us instead.”

He also sent a copy of the letter to the PPP’s newspaper Musawaat. It was endorsed by then PPP president of Malakand, Haji Mohammad Zaman. Ibrahim, who also belonged to Malakand, had joined the PPP in 1972.

He requested the presidential staff to forward the letter to the president. “Otherwise, you will be answerable to God in the hereafter,” he wrote. The letter also included the names of his wife and four daughters.

While admiring his bravery, a senior PPP member told him “you are mad for writing a letter to Zia.”

His passionate appeal came at a high cost. A few days after he sent the letter, an army major who identified himself as Zulfiqar, approached Ibrahim and asked him to deny writing it. He refused, and the price he paid for his conviction was to be flogged at the Grassy Ground in Mingora. It took him 18 days in hospital to only partially recover from this punishment.

Ibrahim was then jailed for three months and never fully recovered from the torture he was subjected to by Zia’s enforcers. Now of an advanced age and working as a cobbler in Shaheen Gali, Batkhela, Ibrahim’s health deteriorating because of a lack of proper medical care.

He suffers from arthritis and doctors say he may also have problems with his kidneys and lungs. They can’t be sure because Ibrahim doesn’t even have the money to pay for proper tests, let alone treatment.

“A single test costs Rs18,000 and a poor person like me cannot afford that,” he said.

He says he has written “thousands of letters” to the PPP leadership since it first came into power in 1988, but has received little or no help.

Ibrahim’s clothes are worn, his beard unkempt and the expression in his eyes is that of a man who has been beaten. But it wasn’t the torture that broke him; it was the neglect of those for whom he offered his very life. “I was hoping the party I once served could take care of its workers, like me, who suffered for Bhutto.”

Published in The Express Tribune, April 16^th, 2013.

Today, the community is only 4,000 people strong, of whom only 1,800 are registered voters. It nevertheless makes up a sizeable chunk of the 11,000 people residing in the remote valleys of Birir, Rambur and Bambouret.

In this election however, they may not vote at all. Kalash elders are threatening a poll boycott unless the computerised identity cards have a specific column for their religion, Kalasha.

“The Kalash religion is not officially recognised,” says Luke Rehmat Kalash, a social worker and head of Kalash People Development Network (KPDN).

“In order to get Computerised National Identity Cards (CNICs) or passports, we have to tick off one of the recognised religions, such as Islam, Christianity, Hinduism or Buddhism, or tick off ‘other’.”

Luke adds that it was the advent of the Computerised National Identity Card that alienated more of the community.

“Before, we would write ‘Kalasha’ under the religion section. The ID cards were made manually so it wasn’t a problem. However, after the introduction of the computerised ID, this option has been taken from us. Now, the Kalash have no religious identity in this country,” he says.

However, according to NADRA spokesperson Naz Shoeb, the authority cannot be fully blamed for this exclusion.

“NADRA can only print those religions that are recognised in the Constitution of Pakistan. However, NADRA has no objection in adding the religion provided legal requirements are met,” she said.

Article 260 (3) (a) of the Constitution of Pakistan mentions Hindus, Chirstians, Sikhs, Buddhists, Parsis, Bahais, Ahmadis and scheduled castes as non-Muslims, but there is no mention of the Kalash.

As for now, the KPDN has submitted community signatures, complemented by online petitions, to the National Database and Registration Authority (NARDA), in a bid to have their religion recognised. The group has also urged Parliament to legislate in this regard.

Wazir Zada, a Kalash social worker, says that having a religious identity of choice is a basic human right.

“Kalasha are a living civilization and should be acknowledged as such,” says Wazir.

He reveals that the community has also submitted petitions with the interior and foreign affairs ministers. So far, nothing has been done.

“Recently, I was asked at an interview at the US Embassy what the ‘other’ in the religion column means,” he said. “We are Pakistanis and our identity should not only be acknowledged, but also respected.”

The Kalash say they were happier when they were able to vote for an MNA directly, but now, minority candidates are nominated by political parties, and they feel they lose out this way.

Wazir Zada was himself nominated by the Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf as a candidate for one of the two reserved seats for minorities in the K-P assembly, but as he was low in the priority list, his name does not appear in the final ECP document.

In a press conference, Kalash elders held former president Musharraf responsible for their condition and demanded the government restore the 1973 constitutional provisions for the rights of minorities, while also calling for the Kalash religion to be recognised officially. If these demands are not met, they said the Kalash would have no option but to boycott the elections.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 16^th, 2013.

Sources in the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Directorate of Archeology said the museum was constructed adjacent to Ghani Dheri complex and cost a little more than Rs27 million. Its purpose was to preserve antiquities of the Gandhara period excavated from sites across the district.

The museum was named Pushkalawati, which was the ancient name of Charsadda district that served as Gandhara’s capital in 6 BC. However, no antiquities have been showcased so far.

“The building was not properly constructed and is facing a seepage problem,” said a source, adding that those using the museum as a marriage hall should be charged, and the revenue generated be added to the national exchequer.

Another source contradicted the assertion that the museum was being used as a marriage hall and claimed it was operational, with antique items on display. He, however, acknowledged the building was facing structural problems.

Ghani Dheri

Ghani Dheri, which constitutes a library and a Mushaira hall, was constructed to honour the namesake Pakhtun poet. Millions of rupees were pumped to renovate the library building, which was teetering on the verge of collapse.

Later, secretary for culture Azam Khan ordered that the library be shifted to the museum because no more money should be wasted in fixing the doomed building. Renovation costs over the years had exceeded the original cost of Rs4.196 million spent to construct Ghani Dheri in 2000.

The library building was reportedly constructed by the Department of Civil and Works (C&W) on alluvial soil and without a proper foundation. Some years later, when the structure started to bend, a Project Cycle was prepared which estimated that Rs16.364 million will be needed for renovation.

Additional Project Cycles were prepared that suggested more money would be needed. Azam Khan, however, ordered that the site be abandoned and the library moved to the museum. About Rs5 million was allocated for the purpose when the decision was made.

An official of the archeology department accused a senior C&W official, affiliated with an influential political clan of Charsadda, of being behind the constant Project Cycles. He said a proper inquiry was never conducted against the C&W official despite the fact that the building was constructed on an unstable foundation.

Director of Archeology Dr Shah Nazar said an inquiry against the development work conducted by C&W is in progress and the museum will be operational once it is completed. The cafeteria has been opened and swings have been installed for children, he added.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 16^th, 2013.

With polls hardly a month away, political campaigning has not yet gained momentum in Peshawar and other parts of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.

Awami National Party (ANP), one of the largest political forces in the province, is being targeted with increased frequency. The party has come under attack at least seven times over the past few weeks, forcing the caretaker government to call an all-parties conference (APC) to devise a mechanism to cope with the threats.

However, political parties do not appear to be united on the issue. This was evident from their participation in the APC. Only the ANP and the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) were represented by senior leaders – ANP’s provincial president and PML-N’s central general secretary. Other parties sent their second and third-tier leadership to the conference.

The parties which have not received direct threats from the Taliban are free to campaign and approach the public. Thus, they seem to be unperturbed by the threats faced by ANP and other ‘secular’ parties.

However, they must understand increasing attacks and the resultant environment of fear is affecting interaction between voters and politicians – a basic prerequisite for democracy.

A testament to the ANP’s predicament is the fact that a few days before being targeted by a suicide bomber, former railways minister Ghulam Ahmad Bilour was scheduled to address a corner meeting in Dourah Road, Peshawar. When Bilour arrived at the site, only a handful of people were present to hear him speak. The former minister returned without delivering his speech, saying he could not address children.

Interestingly enough, the Dourah Road area falls in the Kakshal neighbourhood, which is widely regarded as the party’s stronghold in Peshawar.

The current situation is likely to have long-lasting effects on the country’s political landscape, which is just emerging from the shadows of military rule. A vibrant democracy and increased public participation can mature the country’s political culture and help it come out of the clutches of tribal, family and personal influences. However, now it seems the country will relapse into the Ziaul Haq referendum-like situation, wherein voting for the dictator was equated with endorsing Islam.

Khadim Hussain, analyst and educationist at Quaid-e-Azam University (QAU), Islamabad views Pakistan’s politics as divided into two types. One advocates centrist or elitist ideals and believes that people cannot choose for themselves and they should be guided in doing so. The other group, according to Khadim, mostly evolved under nationalist parties and believes in democracy, decentralisation and public beneficial policies.

Khadim argues the Taliban’s actions are a result of the centrists’ discourse, having evolved from the same ideals.

“When only a few parties are being targeted, it becomes the state’s responsibility to provide a level playing field for all stakeholders,” said Khadim, adding in such a situation, people will definitely assume it is pre-poll rigging because certain groups are not being allowed to participate in the election process.

Talking about the consequences of such forced exclusions, Khadim pointed out passionate activists of these parties may question the authority of the state, saying it failed to protect them. “Such a clash between liberal militancy and religious militancy can weaken Pakistan’s institutions,” he warned.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 20^th, 2013.

Saifullah, who is also the PPP’s provincial president, was contesting from the constituency against former Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa chief minister Akram Khan Durrani of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) and Jamaat-e-Islami’s provincial chief Muhammad Ibrahim Khan.

Saifullah’s spokesperson, Nighat Orakzai confirmed to The Express Tribune that the PPP’s provincial president had withdrawn his candidacy in favour of Maulana Naseem Ali Shah, who is contesting as an independent candidate after developing differences with his party, the JUI-F.

Saifullah will now be contesting for a provincial assembly seat from PK-75 Lakki Marwat-II against JUI-F candidate Munawar Khan. Munawar was elected an MPA from the PK-75 seat in the 2008 elections on a Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) ticket.  He joined the JUI-F in 2012.

Maulana Naseem had problems with the JUI-F leadership for not being awarded a party ticket. Earlier, the party’s district leadership had included Naseem’s name among possible candidates for NA-26, however the ticket was later awarded to Akram.

In 2002, after the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal’s victory, Maulana Naseem’s father Maulana Naseeb Ali Shah won from NA-26 and received around 78,886 votes.

After the demise of Maulana Naseeb in 2007, the ticket was initially issued to his son Naseem, but later awarded to Akram Durrani’s son Ziad Akram Durrani who won the seat in the by-polls. Akram was the chief minister at the time. This time, when the JUI-F awarded the ticket to Akram, an infuriated Naseem rebelled from the party and decided to contest elections independently.

Lower Dir

Meanwhile, in Lower Dir district, 29 candidates withdrew their nomination papers for the national and provincial seats late on Saturday.

According to a final list issued by the Election Commission of Pakistan, 14 candidates are contesting for NA-34, 10 for PK-94 and nine each for PK-95 and 96, while 13 people will contest from PK -97.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 21^st, 2013.

Earlier, the number of talks held between major players on the matter of seat adjustments led to the belief that parties would make political alliances. However, except for a partnership solidified between the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) and Qaumi Watan Party (QWP), no such alliances have materialised.

A possible alliance between the JUI-F and Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) was termed a game-changer by both parties. Yet, the month-long discussions failed to produce any significant results.

Similarly, the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) also failed to reach an understanding despite initial proclamations that a deal would be struck at all costs. It was said earlier both parties had agreed on cooperating with each other in the general polls. But the talks failed to move forward when the JI accused the PTI of being “unrealistic”. Meanwhile, the former ruling coalition of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and Awami National Party (ANP) was shunned by all others, effectively barring them from forming any partnership with other parties.

As for the JUI-F and QWP partnership, which is based in Charsadda, Nowshera, Malakand, Buner and Swat districts, both parties have agreed on seat adjustments on 22 national and provincial assembly seats.

A JUI-F leader, who did not wished to be named, said both parties had opted for small-scale adjustment. He also seemed skeptical of any prospective alliance with the PML-N. He claimed when his delegation met the PML-N, they insisted on a cooperation ‘formula’ but the latter insisted that a sub-committee, in addition to the main committee, be constituted to facilitate talks. “We agreed to that demand and both parties nominated three people each, but they (PML-N) still refused to set a formula for the alliance,” he added.

He maintained that both parties had arrived at an understanding on all National Assembly seats, save six, across the province. It was with the provincial assembly seats that issues were clouded, he added. “After the sub-committee failed to make a consensual decision, Mian Nawaz Sharif intervened and asked General Secretary Iqbal Zafar Jhagra to take over the talks.”

The JUI-F leader said Jhagra, like members of the PML-N delegation, was only interested in discussing his own constituency. “We asked him to bring a list of his party’s demands, but we never received an answer after that.”

He added that it was unlikely that any party would gain a majority because they were all contesting on their own. This will result in a split mandate, he added. However, he also maintained this may have a positive side because a government made by consensus would then be required, preventing any single party to take over completely.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 23^rd, 2013.

Today, the royal family of Chitral seems to be loosening its political grip, whereas Swat’s royal family is still deeply respected by its populace.

Chronicles of Chitral

In this far northern district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the great Katoor family’s rule came to an end after a dispute erupted between ruler Mehtar Muzaffarul Mulk and his brothers in 1949.

According to Dr Inayatullah Faizi, an academic and columnist, the princes’ uncle, Ataleeq Sarfarz Shah, consolidated his power, and the state remained under his sway for 20 years. In 1954, a powerful advisory council was established. This body continued to rule over the district until 1969, when the state was formally merged into Pakistan.

The one man responsible for the reemergence of the royals was Shahzada Mohyuddin. He entered politics on the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) platform in 1972 and is credited with ending differences within the royal family. Using his offices with Bhutto, he rallied extended offshoots of the family around his persona, and created even a constituency for himself.

“The royal family’s role in politics was completely based on Mohyuddin’s efforts,” says Faizi.

In a different vein, Hidayatur Rehman, an independent researcher, claims that the rise of Mohyuddin was a result of the advisory council’s mismanagement during its rule. Locals were forced to pin their hopes on the royal family, he says.

Mohyuddin’s political trajectory is not all smooth sailing. He lost several times – as chairman of the district council in 1979, against Nusrat Bhutto in 1981, in 1990 against PPP’s Ghafur Shah – but he won multiple times over, as well.

Today, his younger son, Shahzada Khalid Pervez, is contesting elections for PK 89 Chitral I. He faces tough competition, with four members of the royal family also contesting the seat — Khalid Pervez, Shahzada Gul, Amanur Rehman and Mohammad Kausar Chughtai.

No longer united, it seems that the royal family’s role is, indeed, weakening.

Stories of Swat

In the past, Swat was considered a prosperous and peaceful state, more developed than its surrounding areas.

“The visionary rulers of Swat state, particularly, Miangul Jahanzeb Wali, made it one of the most developed states at that time,” says Sadullah Khan, an old resident of Saidu Sharif.

Haji Rasool Khan, the assistant private secretary of the last ruler of Swat, agrees.

“Though there was a complete autocracy, Swat was ruled with a vision,” he says.

According to Haji Rasool, the merger of Swat with Pakistan on July 28, 1969, led to great uneasiness amongst the people.

“The last ruler of Swat, Wali sahib, was a principled man. Even after the merger, he would meet with the public daily and listen to their problems,” said Nisar Ahmad Khan, personal attorney of the royal family.

According to Nisar, the  popularity of the family is evident by the ease and frequency with which family members won elections. The family’s victories during polls are not few or far between.

After the 1969 merger, different royal members contested elections on the platforms of various parties. Politically, they were divided into two major camps: the Pakistan Muslim League and the PPP.

Miangul Aurangzeb, crown prince of the Swat state, remained a member of the West Pakistan National Assembly from 1956. He was once again nominated to the NA in 1962, 1965, 1970 and 1985. In 1997, he was made governor of Balochistan.

Similarly, Prince Miangul Amirzeb won NA-21 in 1977, and Shehzada Aman-i-Rome won NA-29 in 1988. Both ran on PPP tickets.

Miangul Adnan Aurangzeb, the son of Miangul Aurangzeb, served as a member of parliament from 2004 to 2008. His son, Asfandyar Amirzeb, was also very popular. Unlike his father, he started his political career with PML-N and was elected as MPA in 1997.

Unfortunately, he was killed in a roadside bomb blast in 2007, during his election campaign.

Another son of Miangul Amirzeb, Shaharyar Amirzeb, contested from PF-81 Swat-II in the 2008 elections but could not win.

Today, he is the only candidate from the royals to be a part of the 2013 elections. He is contesting PK-81 on the PML-N platform.

“Being an only candidate from the royal family, he will definitely have the support of the people,” says political analyst Bahrudin Khan. “He will certainly give a tough time to the other candidates.”

Published in The Express Tribune, April 24^th, 2013.

The issue came to light following the resignation of Haji Sharif Khan, PPP’s provincial finance secretary and election hopeful for the PK-9 Peshawar constituency.

Sharif resigned from the PPP and joined the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F), where he was awarded a party ticket to contest from the PK-9 seat. Sharif’s name is on the JUI-F’s final list of party nominees which was issued three days ago.

Meanwhile, PPP Peshawar District Senior Vice President Sartaj Khan’s position was taken over by Zafar Khan and the District Information Secretary Amir Zeb was also replaced, leaving a lot of anger brewing in the party’s ranks.

Sources within the PPP said the issue was deep-rooted and linked to a senior leader who quit the party some time ago. The unnamed leader attempted to take Sharif and Sartaj with him but they refused. When Anwar Saifullah Khan took over as Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (K-P) president, he managed to woo back the senior leader who also happens to be Saifullah’s relative.

One of the sources further added a group of landlords did not like party activists and were unhappy with the PPP’s Peshawar chief, Malik Tehmash Khan, as he had been an activist too.

Expressing concerns about the party’s chances in the election, the source said PPP’s position in Peshawar had deteriorated to such an extent that it may not be able to win another seat from the district, except perhaps PK-2 which is thought of as a mini-Larkana and has repeatedly been won by former minister Syed Zahir Ali Shah. However, Anwar Ali Safi, a PPP worker and hopeful for PK-2, rebelled against the ticket for the constituency being awarded to Zahir Ali Shah, choosing to contest independently.

Another source within the party informed The Express Tribune Safi had not been allocated a ticket in 2008 as well. According to the source, this time he refused to be sidelined saying the party should take activists into consideration too and not always issue tickets to the bigwigs.

In another twist, inside sources revealed the party’s candidate for NA-3 Peshawar-III and candidates for three PK seats from the NA-3 constituency were trying to topple each other. Former assembly member, Noor Alam Khan is contesting elections from NA-3, while former K-P assembly speaker Kiramatullah Chagarmati is contesting from PK-7. PPP Peshawar president Malik Tehmash Khan is contesting from PK-8 and Iftikhar Jhagra is contesting from PK-9.

In a separate issue, yet another source claimed a PPP lawmaker even donated Rs50,000 to the JUI-F a few months ago.  “The leadership was aware of the lawmaker’s overtures towards the JUI-F.  However, his good terms with Faryal Talpur saved him,” the source alleged.

Meanwhile, District President Malik Tehmash Khan, when contacted denied any differences within the party’s ranks in Peshawar, adding the decision to appoint, sack or replace an official is made by the provincial leadership and everyone is obliged to comply.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 28^th, 2013.

With the exception of NA-1, Peshawar-I, the remaining three constituencies include the rural landscape. NA-3 and 4 comprise almost entirely of rural parts of the provincial capital, while NA-2 lies on the urban-rural divide.

All four seats are slated to be hotly contested, making guessing games and wager placements all the more risky and interesting.

NA-1 Peshawar-I

NA-1 Peshawar-I is the most coveted among the 272 general seats for the National Assembly, as it is the first constituency on the assembly’s roll call.

In the past, political titans like Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao and Benazir Bhutto, and aspiring titans like Imran Khan have contested this seat.

Benazir ran from Peshawar-I in the 1990 elections, however, she lost to Awami National Party (ANP) stalwart Ghulam Ahmed Bilour.

Bilour is contesting this seat on the ANP ticket yet again. He remains a formidable candidate in the history of NA-1 and has won this seat on four occasions:  thrice in the general elections and on one instance in the by-polls.

He first won this seat in the 1988 by-elections, after erstwhile Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leader and present Qaumi Watan Party (QWP) chief Aftab Ahmad Khan Sherpao vacated it to become the provincial chief minister. The victorious loop continued in 1990, 1997 and 2008.

In 2013, Ghulam Bilour will face Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman Imran Khan.

Traditional clout vs youth vote

The Bilour family has a strong vote bank in the city, which is in turn likely to be challenged by the PTI’s ‘youth factor’.  In this instance, age-before-beauty might be trumped by the youth factor. This, combined with the public’s disenchantment with the previous government, can play into Khan’s favour.

Nonetheless, Bilour is poised to garner the sympathy vote after the assassination of his younger brother Bashir Ahmad Bilour last December and repeated attacks on his party. Bilour senior himself narrowly escaped a suicide attack at an ANP corner meeting on April 16.

In conflicting quarters, Ghulam Bilour’s stock has risen following his call for a bounty on the filmmaker behind ‘The innocence of Muslims’.  Going against the secular strain of the ANP, his demand is likely to resonate with the religious electorate.

If past performances could hint to the future, then NA-1 has been a traditional battleground between the ANP and PPP. The PPP has its backing in the old city, while the ANP draws strength from the suburbs.

However, the PPP angered many when it awarded the ticket to Zulfiqar Afghani, the party’s district chief, after the seat had already been given to another senior leader, Azam Afridi.

Another serious contender in the fray is Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) Provincial General Secretary Shabbir Ahmed Khan, who won this seat back in 2002 in a Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) clean sweep. This time round, Shabbir does not have the MMA as his back as all religious parties are competing separately.

The Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) has awarded its ticket to Haji Shahnawaz, a businessman with no active political experience. Mohammad Afzal Panyala is the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) candidate for NA-1.

Currently, there are at least 18 candidates in the run for this stretch. The delimitation includes Old City, Cantonment, Gulbahar, Sheikhabad, Gunj, City Circular Road, Dalazak Road and Gulberg.

NA-2 Peshawar-II

This NA seat is regarded as the Arbab family’s political turf and has been the subject of a turf war between the ANP and PPP.

The family of PPP leader and former federal communication minister Arbab Alamgir’s father and erstwhile NWFP chief minister (1985-1988) Arbab Jehangir Khan has reigned in this constituency in the three periods of 1990, 1993 and 1997.

Twice – in 1997 and 1990 – Arbab Jehangir won on the ANP ticket; in 1993, he won from the PPP’s. In 1998, this seat went to Arbab Saifur Rehman from the ANP.

However, the Arbab’s could not withstand MMA’s victory in 2002 and lost this seat to Maulana Rehmatullah of the religious alliance. Arbab Alamgir made a comeback in 2008 as a PPP candidate, and is contesting the 2013 polls from NA-1 yet again.

At the moment, it seems ANP’s Arbab Najeebullah and PPP’s Arbab Alamgir Khan will give each other a good run for their money. Arbab Najeebullah is also the ANP district president.

The JI has fielded senior leader Dr Iqbal Khalil, while the JUI-F has awarded its ticket to the relatively inexperienced Maulana Saeed Jan. The PTI has awarded its ticket to Hamidul Haq.

NA-2 straddles Peshawar’s urban and rural areas. Places like Tehkal Lower and Upper fall into both categories.

The constituency also includes University Town and parts of Hayatabad. Karkhano Market, Regi village, Canal Road, Regi Lalma and Palosia, while Nasir Bagh is among the rural locales of NA-2.

NA-3 Peshawar III

Like the other Peshawar seats, NA-3 will not be an easy win for any candidate. The constituency falls on the northern side of the provincial capital and is predominantly a rural landscape.

The PPP’s Noor Alam Khan, who was the richest candidate in the previous National Assembly, is defending his seat against a flock of bigwigs.

In addition, PTI candidate Sajid Nawaz is the son of former PPP lawmaker Haji Nawaz. This, according to PPP activists, is going to impact Alam’s vote bank.

The affluent Alam is set to face another ANP Arbab – Arbab Inamullah Khan of Gul Bela. The other heavy hitter in the field is PML-N Central General Secretary Iqbal Zafar Jhagra.

Not to neglect JUI-F’s candidate former senator Haji Ghualam Ali – the ex-senator has the benefit of deep pockets, and has also served as the district nazim of Peshawar.

Before the 2002 delimitation, NA-3 was known as Peshawar-cum-Nowshera. But NA-3 was then separated from Nowshera and made a separate constituency.

In the past, this National Assembly seat was won consecutively by Arbab Mohammad Zahir: in 1988 as an independent candidate, then thrice in 1990, 1993 and 1997 from the ANP ticket.

Destabilising delimitation

In 2002, the religious alliance, MMA, destabilised the established political parties and families from this constituency. NA-3 was secured by Fayazur Rehman Alvi.

In 2008, the constituency fell to Noor Alam Khan and ANP candidate Hashim Babar was defeated with a narrow margin.

The ANP’s misfortune is losing its runner-up, Hashim Babar, to the PTI last year. Babar had developed differences with the party over a senate ticket allocation. As such things tend to go, Babar also developed differences with the PTI and is now contesting independently from the Khidmatgar Qaumi Jirga platform.

The JI has fielded its Provincial Information Secretary Advocate Israrullah for the seat.

NA-3 comprises villages on both sides of Warsak Road – Faqir Kallay, Chagarmati, Mathra and other parts the city which lie north of the Grand Trunk Road and touch the border of Mohmand Agency. Presently, at least 17 candidates are contesting the 2013 elections from this constituency.

NA-4 Peshawar IV

NA-4 is a recent addition to the constituency map of Peshawar and was created following the 2002 delimitation.

It is predominantly rural, and lies in the south of the provincial capital along Kohat and Bara roads, sharing a border with Bara tehsil of Khyber Agency, Frontier Region Kohat and Frontier Region Peshawar.

In the 2002 elections, this constituency fell to the JI’s Sabir Hussain Awan who beat ANP’s ‘sure win’ Arbab Mohammad Zahir in a ‘religious clean sweep’ of the Frontier. It was Zahir’s first defeat following the delimitation.

However, the JI boycotted the 2008 general elections and Arbab Zahir regained his former glory. Amir Muqam, then in PML-Q, was left behind in second place.

Muqam joined the PML-N early last year and was set to compete from NA-4. However, he later vacated this seat for the party’s information secretary Nasir Musazai.

Arbab anyone?

This time, the ANP has allocated the ticket to Arbab Ayub Jan, a National Assembly debutante. Jan also has the credentials of former agriculture minister in the ANP-led coalition government of K-P.

Misbahuddin will run for the PPP and Arbab Kamal Ahmed for the JUI-F, however, the latter has no active political experience. Arbab Kamal joined Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s ranks a mere few weeks ago.

Nonetheless, the facts remain the same – there are no easy predictions for how the political tables will turn in NA-4 come Election Day.

NA-4 is situated in the south of the provincial capital. Kohat Road, Badhaber, Mattani, and dozens of villages lying on both sides of Bara and Kohat Road fall within the constituency.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 30^th, 2013.

PESHAWAR: ‘They came, they saw, and they conquered’ was what Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa witnessed on May 11.

The crushing defeat of the mainstream political parties across the province at the hands of the supposed underdogs of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf was reminiscent of Muttahida Majlis Amal’s landslide victory in the 2002 elections.

Imran Khan’s ‘tsunami’ swept through Peshawar, Nowshera and Mardan district, besides making deep inroads in the districts of Swabi, Swat, Kohat, Karak, Dir and the Hazara division.

PTI’s rise was unpredicted, literally. Barring a few constituencies, no one had expected the PTI – which was believed to be a party followed by a bunch of hyper-active cyber revolutionaries – to emerge as the strongest party in the province. But May 11 has changed this misperception.

K-P, a swing state?

K-P, however, has not been new to such surprises. Back in 2002, the province witnessed a ‘religious revolution’ when the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal was voted to power. In 2008, the K-P people voted out the MMA and elected the moderate Awami National Party to the assembly.

In the 2013 election, people rejected the religious, nationalist and federalist parties in favour of PTI’s ‘Naya Pakistan’. The party has caused a major dent in the vote-banks of ANP, PPP and JUI-F, which have virtually been reduced to nothing. All hopes of JUI-F were dashed to the ground as it expected to cash in on the disillusionment with ANP.

The PTI challenge

PTI’s win deprived the K-P Assembly of its veteran faces introducing a new breed of politicians. Living up to its name, ‘tsunami’ swept away most powerbrokers and influential politicians of the province.

Confident candidates like PPP’s former president Syed Zahir Shah, Mian Iftikhar Hussain, Pir Sabir Shah, Anwar Saifullah, Syed Aqil Shah, the Bilour family, Kiramatullah Chagarmati, Javed Abbasi and almost all lawmakers in the previous assembly were ousted. Some of these politicians had their eyes set on the provincial top slot.

The first task ahead is formation of a coalition government.

PTI needs 63 seats in the provincial assembly to form the government. Presently, it is leading the race with 34 seats. The party is also all set to have at least eight reserved seats in the 124-memmber house. It can also pin its hope on 10 independents who traditionally join the winning party.

Together with the independents and reserved seats, PTI will manage to cross the 50-seat mark. The party can then also look forward to forming a coalition with Jamaat Islami and Qaumi Watan Party in the province. The coalition will have to face a tough opposition which will comprise all the mainstream political parties.

If PTI manages to form the government, it will have to live up to its election promises. Foremost of which will be restoring peace in the province plagued by militant violence. Other major challenges will be provincial economy, infrastructure, development, corruption in the province.

In a nutshell, if any lesson one can learn from this victory is that the K-P people are averse to doctrines, rhetoric and empty promises. They want their representatives to deliver and, if they fail to deliver, they are rejected in the next elections.

Published in The Express Tribune, May 13^th, 2013.

Correction: An earlier version of the article was running an incorrect graph. The errors in the graph have been rectified.